Marx, Lenin and the Science of Revolution by Max Eastman

Author:Max Eastman [Eastman, Max]
Language: eng
Format: epub
Tags: History, Russia & the Former Soviet Union, Modern, 20th Century, General
ISBN: 9781351777841
Google: 0aK8DgAAQBAJ
Publisher: Routledge
Published: 2017-04-21T01:28:15+00:00

CHAPTER V

LENIN AS AN ENGINEER OF REVOLUTION

YOU will notice in all the eulogies of Lenin written by Marxists, a contrast between their extravagant praise of his genius, and the small creative contribution to Marxism with which they credit him. They feel a thing which, within the limits of the economic metaphysics, they cannot define. Only after recognizing that Lenin abandoned that metaphysics, is it possible to appraise his genius, or define the details of his achievement. For this fundamental thing reappears in every one of the great innovations which he introduced into the theory and practice of Marxism.

Lenin had no sooner formed his party round a nucleus of “professional revolutionists”—defined and selected according to the purposive ideas in their minds—than he proceeded to split it upon the question whether people of a certain type should be allowed to consider themselves members. And these people again were not defined according to their economic class. They were defined according to their attitude to these purposive ideas. They were the people who talk revolution, and like to think about it, but do not “mean business”. They were the “soft” as opposed to the “hard”, the “reasoners” as opposed to the “fighters”, the “talkers” as opposed to the “workers”. Lenin proposed to eliminate them by demanding that every party member should work under the orders of the conspirative organization, accepting the full risk and discipline involved. Martov proposed a “more elastic” definition of a party member. Upon this issue the party split into “Bolsheviks” and “Mensheviks”. Martov and his followers turned out to be themselves people of just the type Lenin wanted to exclude—people who talked revolution but did not intend to produce it. And therefore the very meaning of these words “Bolshevik” and “Menshevik”, is to be found in that sharp psychological distinction made by Lenin at the beginning of his career.

“Better that ten workers should not call themselves members of the party (real workers are not so eager for position) than that one talker should have the right and the opportunity to be a party member. There is the principle which seems to me irrefutable, and which compels me to fight against Martov.”

Lenin subsequently fought these Mensheviks upon a great variety of questions, and he attempted to define them in ways more in accord with the economic metaphysics. But the one element in their position which never changed, and which alone makes it possible to define them, is this psychological one. They were always seeking a formula which would enable them to talk revolution without incurring the danger of realizing it.

Thus Lenin’s first innovation was to recognize the indispensable function of the man of ideas, his second innovation was to divide men of ideas into two camps, and expel without mercy those in whom ideas do not mean action. It is plain, then, that Lenin did not regard revolutionary ideas as a mere reflection of the evolution of the forces of production. A talker is just as good a reflecting apparatus as a worker.

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